AS they plot their return to power, the Conservatives would do well to avoid learning too many lessons from New Labour. After all, voters are desperate for a real change from what has gone before.
However, in one important regard at least, David Cameron should draw on the past experience of his opponents.
New Labour's principal achievement was not in government but in turning 18 years in opposition into a landslide majority, something which
the Conservatives now want to emulate.
Labour's post-war history is characterised by tension between its trade union roots and a leadership that sought to appeal to the political centre ground. In the 1980s, the Parliamentary party itself was also riven by division to the point that a new political party – the SDP – was formed.
Those differences of priority and perspective did not disappear in the 1990s. New Labour was a remarkable achievement precisely because it saw its key architects, led by Tony Blair, convince the unions – along with the Left and Right of the party – that being in government was more important than pursuing their respective agendas.
Having reached that understanding, the key to making it work was rigid discipline. The phrase "on message" entered the lexicon of British politics.
Now used as a synonym for mindless adherence to the party line, it was said, in the build-up to the 1997 election, through gritted teeth by Conservatives who were unable to find a hint of division where once disunity reigned.
That level of self-discipline did not come about by accident. Alastair Campbell recounts in his diaries how, in December 1994, Labour had the Tories on the ropes. Yet, he found himself that New Year's Eve trying to repair the damage after an off-message David Blunkett suggested in a newspaper interview that Labour might tax school fees.
The very next day, the party's then energy spokesman, Martin O'Neill, went on television and effectively re-wrote Labour's policy. Told about both unplanned interventions, an exasperated Tony Blair shouted: "This just isn't a serious party."
Scarred by these events early in his leadership, not to mention 10 years
as an MP in an often dysfunctional party, Blair was determined to ensure Labour became deadly serious about returning to power. Cameron must now step up his efforts to do
the same.
The Conservatives are, in all likelihood, less than two years from taking office. They face a Labour Government whose high spending strategy has failed to produce results and is now at the mercy of global economic problems.
The next election is there to be won. Yet, while the party is demonstrating a level of discipline not seen in the Conservative ranks for more than a decade, there are still worrying signs that not all have their eyes fixed firmly on the prize.
David Davis's decision to trigger an unnecessary by-election is the most high-profile example. Moments before Davis stood down, the Prime Minister had been fending off difficult questions about why Unionist MPs had supported the Government in the 42-day vote – and whether they had received any inducements.
Davis's actions relieved the pressure and turned attention on to the Conservatives' long-term position on pre-charge detention. To make matters worse, Cameron must spend the time before the by-election stressing his support for the Haltemprice and Howden MP. When Davis inevitably wins, the Conservative leader will then have to explain why his colleague will not be reappointed as Shadow Home Secretary.
Davis is not alone in his determination to pursue an agenda of his own. Just last week, Tory backbenchers lined up to attack the new Equality Bill – which will effectively allow positive discrimination in some cases – while their frontbench spokeswoman, Theresa May, took a far more conciliatory approach.
Away from Parliament, Zac Goldsmith, a green campaigner and Conservative candidate for Richmond Park, recently called for a boycott
of Sainsbury's because of a local planning issue.
That may have played well in the constituency and there is certainly much about the groceries market that many consumers and producers would like to change. But attacking a supermarket chain in such blatant terms, when food prices are skyrocketing and families are desperate to save money on their household bills, is dangerous politics, particularly given Mr Goldsmith's personal profile and wealthy family background.
What started as a local dispute could easily be seized upon by opponents, taken out of context and portrayed as a campaign against supermarkets waged by people who can afford to shop elsewhere – Tory toffs all over again, but this time with more substance behind it.
This type of freelance campaigning has to be carefully managed. Voters may say they like MPs who speak their minds and are happy to defy the party whips but when it comes to choosing a government, or more precisely, replacing the party in power, they desire certainty about what they are getting.
Labour discovered that in 1992 when voters seemed ready to dump the Tories, only for them stick with what they knew rather than take a chance on Neil Kinnock and Co.
Cameron's task, supported by other senior influential figures like William Hague, is to remind Tory MPs and candidates that whatever their personal gripes, there is a bigger picture. Importantly, the Tory leader has the political capital to do so.
In his early days at the helm, Cameron had to convince large sections of his party that he was taking them in the right direction.
But, in the last nine months the party has seen off the threat of an early general election, scored stunning victories in the local polls, has returned to government in London and won the Crewe and Nantwich by-election at Labour's expense. Cameron has passed the test and now he must demand that all in the party fall into line behind him for the final push.
The renewed debate over the future of the European Union, which looks set to drag on for another four months at least, will be a crucial test of whether the Tories are disciplined enough to win the next election.
Europe is an issue that has crippled the party in the past. If Tory MPs and candidates can be kept on-message on Europe, they will send the electorate a clear signal that they truly are a serious party again.
The Conservatives have waited 11 years for this opportunity, they should not allow careless talk to cost them the next election.
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