Brown quits – to save Labour

AT least four days of political paralysis have now brought about two definitive facts – Britain will have a new Prime Minister, and Labour a new leader, following Gordon Brown's announcement that he is to step aside after accepting that he is an obstacle to the formation of a strong and stable government.

Yet, if Mr Brown has his way, these changes will not take place until October, it will sideline the party that polled two million more votes than its main rival last week and, if a pact is agreed with the Liberal Democrats, would mean Labour imposing a second successive unelected leader on the country.

So soon after an election, and one in which voters rejected Mr Brown's party, this is simply unacceptable. It also makes a mockery of the recent TV leaders' debates that served to energise the election, and which saw the three prospective premiers effectively undergo a series

of job interviews with voters.

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Of course, no-one can fault the dignified manner of Mr Brown's statement – and his acceptance that his own failings have seen him become such a divisive figure rather than a unifying force for good. This must have been very difficult for a man who has been Chancellor and Prime Minister for 13 years, and whose sole purpose in life is public service.

It was also a potentially game-changing speech that was driven by Labour's ideological hatred of the Conservatives, and despair at the prospect of David Cameron being able to form an effective coalition with Nick Clegg and the Liberal Democrats.

In short, Mr Brown was seeking to derail these talks, which had

appeared to be making considerable progress, so both he, and a discredited Labour administration which lost over 100 seats following the party's heaviest defeat since 1931, can cling on to the last vestiges of power. Yet it is clear that he did so without regard to his Cabinet or his constitutional role which is to ensure the smooth

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formation of a stable government. His actions certainly do not correlate with this national need.

Casting aside the political calculations, it is impossible to see how a Labour and Lib Dem coalition can command the confidence of the House of Commons and the public – the key test for any incoming government. Political grandstanding about the realignment of the centre-left of British politics masks the seriousness of the economic position.

Furthermore, such a pact does not enjoy the arithmetical advantages of a deal between the Tories and Lib Dems. It would probably be unable to deliver proportional representation, one of the key demands of many in Mr Clegg's party, because a significant number of Labour backbenches are opposed to far-reaching electoral reform.

And it would quickly find itself at the mercy of Unionist and

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Nationalist parties from Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales, together with their unreasonable financial demands at a time of spending restraint. Inevitably, this would be at the expense of English regions like Yorkshire.

The only certainty is that such an arrangement would quickly

disintegrate and result in a second election when every leader, including Mr Brown himself, is saying that Britain needs a stable administration. Many will therefore be surprised that the Lib Dems agreed to enter formal coalition talks with Labour after four days of constructive discussions with the Tories.

While one can understand the desire of Mr Clegg to keep his options open, and appease both wings of his party, this double dealing will create the impression that the Lib Dems are putting political advantage before the national interest to effectively sideline the Conservatives – the party that won the most votes, and the most Commons seats, last week.

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On the 70th anniversary of Winston Churchill forming a wartime

coalition to preserve the country's liberty from German tyranny, today's generation face a crisis of truly global proportions – namely the escalating economic crisis across Europe and how Alistair Darling had to negotiate a deal for Britain at the EU while the political impasse at home deepened.

The seriousness of the financial mess requires a new government, one driven by the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats, that can start tackling the deficit that Mr Brown has presided over – rather than Labour remaining in office by default.

As such, the only feasible option is for Nick Clegg to accept David Cameron's unprecedented "take it or leave it" referendum offer on electoral reform, made in response to Mr Brown's move, and start governing in the national interest. A failure to do so will leave him open to ridicule, undermine the electorate's desire for fair play and risk the country spiralling towards even greater political and economic turmoil.