Gary Craig: A long walk to freedom on the path of forgiveness, dignity and fairness

FOR many of us, there are some days so significant that they stick in the memory to the point where you know exactly where you were.

Where were you on the day Kennedy was assassinated (I was in a student hall of residence in South London)? Or the USSR invaded Czechoslovakia (driving across France)? Or the day Diana died (in Crete – although living so remotely that I didn't hear about it for three days, making me possibly the last person in the world to do so). Or the attack on the Twin Towers (Exeter)? Or February 11, 1990?

That was the day Nelson Mandela was released from prison, bringing to an end more than 20 years of brutal imprisonment and forced labour on Robben Island. I was researching at a local charitable trust. Someone had brought in a television which echoed through the corridors; everyone stopped work to witness Mandela walking steadily along a dusty track, arm in arm with his then-wife Winnie, cameras pointing down the road at him across the heads of an ecstatic, dancing and singing crowd. Twenty years on, as we wish him a continuing happy retirement and good health, it is a good moment to reflect on the lessons of his later life for us all.

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Mandela's release was the result of a combination of factors, most of all global economic and political pressure, and the continuing armed struggle waged across the borders of South Africa from ANC activists in neighbouring frontline states.

With his release (as we now learn from published accounts), the result of a complex process of negotiation, the world held its breath to see what Mandela's approach to government would be, and what would be the reaction of the white minority, especially those on the far right who could not conceive of black government rule.

Quickly, as Mandela became President, elected by a huge majority, it became clear that revenge was the last thing on his mind. Despite the viciousness with which the whites had murdered, imprisoned and dispossessed the majority black population, Mandela set out on a path of reconciliation, undercutting far right reaction.

At a personal level, he demonstrated that by the speed with which he publicly forgave his captors. At a structural level, he instituted the Truth and Reconciliation Commission chaired by Archbishop Desmond Tutu. Mandela's statesmanship and integrity shone through those early years matched in the world possibly only by that of his compatriot Tutu.

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Their awards of Nobel Peace prizes were no-brainers. Mandela's attempt to win over the Afrikaans population by his support for the 1995 World Cup-winning rugby team (an episode doing the rounds in the film Invictus) was another example of his determination to create an inclusive rainbow nation. His distancing himself from Winnie Mandela as it became clear she had led a gang responsible for brutal murders demonstrated that he would not be associated with continuing violence.

However, the burden of expectations was always going to be too much, even for a man with unique personal attributes, given both his age and

increasing frailty, and the impossible pace of change which the black population believed to be justified.

To take one example: child support payments were relatively generous for white families but virtually non-existent for black families. To ensure that all got a fair level of payment would mean both a hugely increased level of spending and that white families would have their support substantially reduced. Change had to be introduced slowly to avoid widespread disruption; the same story could be told across all welfare sectors.

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Nevertheless, significant change began under Mandela's leadership. Black children now know their rights and will be prepared to exercise them in adulthood. This summer's football world cup is a reflection of basic economic growth and political stability.

One area where Mandela perhaps missed a trick – perhaps because of his own immense inner strength – was in recognising the depth of anger and trauma experienced by many blacks, particularly youths who had to weaned away from violence and oppression towards a peaceful path.

The legacy of this violence remains; South Africa is acknowledged to be one of the most violent societies in the developed world. This will take decades to address.

Some of his legacy has been unravelled too by the bizarre behaviour of his successors, with Thabo Mbeki's extraordinarily ill-informed stance on AIDS and his inability to show African leadership on the Zimbabwe question; and the undignified early presidency of Jacob Zuma. Both have shown themselves unable to match the dignity and courage of Mandela; levels of frustration are growing.

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What we can learn is that tyrannical or simply hugely unequal regimes can be brought to an end by a focus on justice and fairness, shaped by the personal strength of dignified leaders, and supported worldwide by those who care still for these values. Mandela – supported by many of us – achieved a golden moment in South Africa's history.

Can we perhaps do the same thing with Aung San Suu Kyi in Myanmar/Burma, now the world's most oppressive regime and one currently propped up by the capital and trade of the developed world?

Gary Craig is Professor Emeritus of Social Justice at the

Wilberforce Institute, University of Hull.

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