John Redwood: Devolution fed the flames of nationalism

IN 1999 I wrote a book called The Death of Britain? It argued that Labour’s devolution policy was likely to split the country up. It also said that Labour’s passion to put us under European Union control would destroy our democracy.

The first of these arguments is coming home to roost in the Scottish vote over independence. Whichever way now it turns out, devolution has damaged the Union. Devolution has split Scotland in two, with half the public wanting to leave the UK as soon as possible and many in the other half wanting to stay in only on more favourable terms with less commitment to common government.

In my book I argued: “The end result of Labour’s constitutional reforms will be a nation in tatters... Will Scotland now seek to shatter the Union by demanding full independence?

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“Devolution Labour style will devolve more power not to people but to politicians and administrators. Far from cementing the UK, it will pull it apart.

“Undoubtedly the government’s devolution plans will create more tension and conflict rather than less... it is helping to fuel nationalist movements in Scotland and Wales.”

Labour’s approach at the time was to “offer more devolved power to that part of the country where they are most worried about the strength of separatist as well as devolutionary tendencies. Usually the granting of more and more powers for separate development and separate government within a once unified state leads inexorably to stronger nationalist movements and often to eventual separation”.

Unfortunately this has come to pass. Devolution gave a platform to nationalist politicians who used it to great effect. Once the SNP won a majority in the Scottish Parliament, the Union had to agree to a vote on whether Scotland now wishes to leave. The SNP have been canny campaigners, encouraging many more people to join the cause for splitting the UK.

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The crowning irony of Labour’s devolution policy and its failure is its impact on Labour. They are the UK political party with far the most to lose, as they often rely on Scottish votes in the Commons to have their way, and on Scottish MPs to act as Ministers.

Whatever happens now in the Scottish referendum, the Union is going be changed substantially. If Scotland votes to leave, then the rest of the UK will get on with the task of reorganising our defences, agreeing terms on debts, assets and liabilities, and insisting on an end to the sterling currency union for Scotland.

Scottish MPs at Westminster for the last year of their presence should not vote on the rest of the UK’s business, especially not on our negotiating stance with Scotland.

If Scotland votes to stay with more control over its own affairs through further devolution, then we will need to tackle the lop-sided devolution settlement.

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England – and Wales and Northern Ireland – should get the same devolution of powers as Scotland. As Scotland is going to get some powers over taxation, it would not be right to let Scottish MPs at Westminster impose taxes on the rest of the UK that they cannot and will not impose on Scotland.

The second argument about the EU destroying our democracy is still not fully understood by enough people. One of the central principles of our democracy is that one Parliament cannot bind its successors. That means if a government passes laws or undertakes actions which many voters do not like, they can vote to change the MPs at the subsequent general election. The new Parliament can then repeal or change what is not wanted.

Now we are so fully committed to European government, there are many laws and policies which are agreed at European level or imposed from Brussels which the incoming government cannot change. Energy, agriculture, fishing, the environment, trade and industry are largely under Brussels control. It is also spreading into other areas including taxation and regulation across the board.

The EU is not democratic in other ways. New laws are drafted and come from unelected officials, not from member states’ parliaments or from the European Parliament itself. The Commission has considerable discretionary power in fields as diverse as competition, mergers, environmental regulation and financial regulation.

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As I feared, the constitutional settlement of the late 1990s has undermined the harmony of the United Kingdom from within, and damaged our democracy from without. After the referendum result, we need to start rebuilding it.

John Redwood is a senior Conservative MP. He was Welsh Secretary in John Major’s government.