I’VE been working in the music industry for the best part of a decade and the animosity that remains towards the Conservative Party within that industry is not dissimilar to the reaction I faced when I was their candidate in Normanton, Pontefract and Castleford.
I’d spent my whole life there and yet overnight some people I’d played football with as a teenager or worked with in local pubs simply stopped talking to me.
Conservatives assume at their peril this is a superficial problem, a relic of a bygone political age. However we are a long way from being a viable electoral force in the North, in Scotland and in many urban areas across the country. When those who agree with us would still rather vote for a pirate than vote Conservative, what are we doing to change this? I grew up in an environment where the main argument about money was that the state took too much. Yes, most Yorkshire folk will generally complain about the price of everything, but the price of Government was an unavoidable part of the debate.
How could people provide for their families when the state took more and more of your wage?
The impetus of low taxes was that if you put the effort in, you would be rewarded. The state wouldn’t get in the way, and you could get on. We won’t force you to work, but don’t complain that those who graft are rewarded more than you.
Work was a noble endeavour, to be respected irrespective of the reward. When the reward for work becomes disconnected from the effort required, you get riots and you get Fred Goodwin.
Then in 1997 the terms of debate changed. Rather than people complaining that they were taxed too much, the Labour party made the debate about people not receiving enough back in benefits. The middle classes came to rely on – and arguably expect – benefits in a way that Margaret Thatcher never allowed.
That single change did more to keep Labour in power and created the payroll vote that was a very real political consequence of the gargantuan welfare state. No longer a safety net, but a fact of life for three out of every four families.
We as a party have still not challenged this notion. Universal benefits remain a concept that defy logic, but are still a part of the “too risky” policy pile.
The Universal credit will do much to address the administration of benefits, but the terms of debate remain as they were in 1997.
We have argued that the welfare bill was too high, but when was the last time we made the argument that lower taxes were the way to encourage work?
More than that, when it comes to Europe, immigration, crime, school discipline and countless other policy areas, people with “working class” backgrounds are absolutely more Conservative than some of the more liberal areas we regard as “safe”. And still they do not vote for us.
In failing to recognise that this barrier to electoral success is more than simply about being seen as a “nice” party and everything to do with how we are not trusted to both reward work and protect the interests of those who work, we do not offer a viable alternative to the thousands of Labour voters who turned out in 2010 and voted for Gordon Brown, but did so reluctantly.
If we accept that the terms of debate are about how much the state should distribute, and that it is easier – and involves fewer policy risks – to win three seats in the South East than 10 in the North, then we will never break out of the thirty-something per cent bracket. Relying on the unpopularity of our opponents is not a strategy for victory, but a tactic to mitigate the risk of defeat.
Nothing we have done has planted the flag in the North and represented a rallying cry for disillusioned Labour voters. Taking people out of the tax system altogether does not foster responsibility, it perpetuates the same “something for nothing” culture that Labour voters are passionately rejecting. Contribution, however small, shares the burden of social ownership in a way that builds communities.
We have the opportunity to redefine the political landscape that not only offers a viable alternative, but a social imperative to vote Conservative. To do that requires bold policies and speaking to the values that working people hold true, not just those who voted Conservative in 2010. It absolutely means taking risks. This cannot – and must not be allowed to – take three years and the selection of candidates.
We are in Government, so let us lead the debate.
* Nick Pickles, from Normanton, is director of civil liberties campaign group Big Brother Watch and was the Conservative candidate against Yvette Cooper in Normanton, Pontefract and Castleford at the last election.