Jayne Dowle: Flawed politician could be the saviour of democracy

AS experienced Labour MPs consider their positions, and some notable names step down, Nick Clegg, former leader of the Liberal Democrats, is a lion resurgent. Who would have thought it?
Is Nick Clegg a lion resurgent, as Jayne Dowle argues?Is Nick Clegg a lion resurgent, as Jayne Dowle argues?
Is Nick Clegg a lion resurgent, as Jayne Dowle argues?

There had been rumours that the Sheffield Hallam MP would retire and slink off to some cushy number in Brussels. However, in this election campaign, we are swiftly learning that nothing should be taken for granted.

One of the biggest surprises so far is that Mr Clegg is on the offensive, vowing to take both Theresa May and Jeremy Corbyn to task. I don’t think we have ever seen him so angry. He has outlined his mission to prevent the Prime Minister from “sailing effortlessly towards a world free of all meaningful opposition after June 8”. He calls the Labour response “hapless”.

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He’s in a tricky position. He is no longer leader of the Liberal Democrats, nor is he – at a relatively youthful 50 years of age – an elder statesman of the party in the mould of Sir Vince Cable and Sir Simon Hughes. If anything, Mr Clegg is coming across like an exiled prince who has served his penance. If we put aside for a moment his previous political misdemeanours – the about-turn on student tuition fees being the very worst – much that Mr Clegg believes in will strike a chord with ordinary voters.

It is no surprise that he is against the hard Brexit favoured by Mrs May. His Europhile credentials are entrenched. He speaks five European languages. He’s married to a Spanish lawyer. His mother is Dutch and his father’s family trace their lineage to the Russian aristocracy.

His belief in Europe – and his determination to find the UK a comfortable place in the EU – runs through his DNA. However, his determination to spearhead an alternative to both a hard Conservative-led Brexit and a messy Labour compromise represents not just personal belief but political opportunism.

You can only ask where Mr Clegg was hiding last year when a reasonable voice was needed as the country ripped itself in half. It would have been most helpful for voters to know that there was a different way to approach this huge and far-reaching constitutional decision.

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The fallout means a hard and uncompromising mood in British politics. No room for sympathy or sentiment. Yet, we should at least give him a break.

The 2015 general election was an absolute bloodbath for his party. After the Tories had marched over the land, only eight Liberal Democrat MPs were returned, down from 57 in 2010.

Clegg fell on his sword, admitted responsibility for the crushing defeat, and resigned. His place as leader was taken by Tim Farron, MP for Westmorland and Lonsdale. And Mr Clegg retired hurt to Sheffield Hallam where he wrote a book chronicling his time as Deputy Prime Minister to David Cameron in the coalition Government. He called it Between the Extremes.

This title was both reflective and prophetic. Did he ever imagine that the extraordinary events of this year would place him right at the centre of things again? With this in mind, the Liberal Democrats – as a party – must manage his presence carefully. With such a small number of MPs, they cannot afford to take any chances. Any hint of division between the current leader and the former leader and both Conservative and Labour opponents will rip them to shreds and spit out the bones.

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Also, there is the huge matter of trust. By saddling his party to David Cameron and then proceeding to go back on major Lib Dem pledges – student tuition fees, again – Mr Clegg did himself no favours at all. In addition, his duplicity sent thousands of younger voters straight into the arms of Jeremy Corbyn, thus bolstering up the Labour leader and making the Lib Dems overall feel even more wretched.

If he wants to make this campaign count, he can’t rely on Brexit to do it for him. Whatever his personal political ambitions, he must make it clear that his contribution is for the good of the party first and foremost. He must work with other senior Lib Dem figures to create a coherent raft of policies which address the real concerns of voters; the NHS, immigration, employment and poverty.

The two-party state is far from dead. With Corbyn and May in opposing corners, it is more entrenched than ever. However, the middle ground is a notoriously boggy marsh. Difficult to identify, and even harder to navigate, as Tony Blair discovered to his cost. Mr Clegg must therefore play his hand carefully. This could be his moment to shine, or bring an even bigger humiliation. He must display that quality so often lacking in our politicians; remorse. People will like him for it, but they might not like him enough.

Ultimately, the big question hanging over his resurgence is this: does a flawed politician make a better politician? That’s a hard one to call. What is becoming clear, however, is that a flawed politician who admits to his mistakes could end up being the saviour of British democracy. As I said, who would have thought it?