Jeremy Browne: The world has no place for judicial killings

THIS month at the United Nations, 107 countries voted for a worldwide moratorium on the use of the death penalty. The UK led the international lobbying effort and provided strong encouragement to countries such as Mongolia, who voted for the moratorium for the first time.

This was a very encouraging result and part of a wider international movement towards global abolition. It is the UK's unwavering aim to try and eliminate the use of capital punishment worldwide.

Some people may question why we want to do this. The primary argument for having a state-sanctioned punishment of death is usually the nature of the crime that an individual has committed.

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If we consider the most awful offences we legislate against here in the UK, it is understandable that society will question why it is that the offender should not pay the ultimate price. I realise that people instinctively feel a vengeful anger when confronted by unspeakably wicked acts.

But my view is that a civilised government should set a higher moral standard than the most appalling criminals set for themselves. I do not believe an-eye-for-an-eye makes us a better or more peaceful society.

In practical terms, the death penalty is also not a deterrent to criminals. There is no evidence to suggest that a person who commits a crime which carries a life sentence in prison would have acted any differently if he or she had known that their crime could have resulted in their execution. In America – a country with one of the highest crime rates in the world – 35 states retain the death penalty. It is simply not stopping serious criminal behaviour.

And once used, it can ever be reversed. Any miscarriage of justice leading to the imposition of the death penalty sits on the conscience of the state forever. The most famous example in the UK is that of Derek Bentley, who was executed in 1953 when he was only 19-years-old and eventually pardoned 45 years later.

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Even in America, an average of five death row inmates were exonerated each year between 2000 and 2007. Our judicial system, like our political system, has built in checks and balances that can right a wrongful conviction if needs be, but when you execute an individual, that wrong cannot be righted from beyond the grave.

On top of these practical arguments, I believe the most compelling reason to oppose capital punishment remains the most human of them all: the death penalty denies the liberal sanctity of the individual and gives too much power to the state.

It is not for the Government to dictate who lives and who dies. In the UK, we are lucky to live in an open and free society where you can voice your opinions, live as you want to, and not fear for your freedom. We respect your right to live your life as you choose, with one qualification: if you choose to violate the rights and freedoms of those around you, you forfeit your own. This is the basis of our justice system.

If your behaviour makes you a danger to society you will be removed from it, but we draw the line at taking your life in retribution. Killing is not virtuous. And at the end of the day, it does not eliminate the fact of the original crime.

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Consider which countries use the death penalty in 2010, and for what crimes, and it becomes obvious this is not a group of countries with whom a liberal, enlightened society would want to be associated. Iran, for example, wants to stone women to death – an utter act of barbarism and Somalia sees no issue with executing juveniles.

But despite our efforts at the UN, 58 states across the globe still retain the death penalty, so we do have to be realistic about the resistance we face.

When I set out the UK's plan to work towards global abolition at the Foreign Office last month, I emphasised the absolute necessity of attempting to make real progress across the board, not just in countries that are inclined already to be better disposed towards our position.

Where resistance is strongest, for example, we are arguing for

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reductions in the number of offences to which the death penalty applies, for the exclusion of juveniles, pregnant women and the mentally ill, and for the right to fair trial and appeal to be strengthened. And where there is an appetite for more positive change, we are supporting states to move to moratorium with a view to a complete ban in the long-term.

We are under no illusions about the lengthy and difficult work we need to do to achieve worldwide abolition and there are no grounds for complacency. It will not happen overnight, but the UK remains firmly committed to taking action on its own and together with our international partners in order to achieve our ultimate aim of global abolition of the death penalty.

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