Paul Flynn: MPs show their worth in holding power to account

SELECT Committees are the best way to redeem the reputation of MPs. The ugly screaming nightmare of the expenses scandal was five years ago – but the stain of shame is stubbornly indelible.

The Home Affairs committee last week expressed its controlled rage at the officials who failed to act against the suffering of the victims in the Rotherham abuse scandal.

The shield of privilege protects MPs from libel threats and liberates us to ask questions that others fear. One witness – South Yorkshire crime commissioner Shaun Wright – was accused of being a “charlatan, a busted flush, indifferent to universal criticism but determined to keep his salary”. These charges are difficult to make elsewhere with the same impact of immediacy and deeply felt outrage.

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In a contrast to the crude Punch and Judy show business of the Commons Chamber, the Select Committees can be oases of intelligent scrutiny.

Their value depends on the personality of the chairpersons. The perfect ones are fair-minded, intelligent and have abandoned hope of promotion or honours. They lead with forensic interrogation skills and nurture the varied talents of members. The aim is to draw out helpful evidence, expose the deceivers, applaud the virtuous and crush the crooks.

In previous parliaments Whips stultified the value of Select Committees by imposing deadbeat chairpersons who were pliant to the conformist Whips’ demands. The Wright reforms introduced elections that installed fiercely independent chairs such as Andrew Tyrie and Rory Stewart to chair the powerful Treasury and Defence committees respectively

The most far-sighted report in my time in Parliament was in 1993. It foresaw in precise details the inevitable unfolding disaster of rail privatisation. It was inspired by a chairman who was a Whips reject but a railway expert, Robert Adley. Adley was given his chairmanship after a revolt by committee members of both parties against the safe, obedient Whips’ choice.

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Better forgotten is the role of the Defence, Foreign Office and Intelligence Committees’ Hallelujah Chorus of support for Tony Blair’s Iraq War decision of 2003. All agreed we were under threat from non-existent weapons of mass destruction. If they had done their job, UK involvement in that futile war could have been avoided.

The Public Accounts Committee under Margaret Hodge has built a reputation for cross-examination that shrinks cunning mandarins to cowering wrecks. The prospect of a grilling from this committee instils constructive fear in civil servants that sharpens their vigilance in guarding the public purse.

The Public Administration Committee (PASC) took a leap forward when it pioneered pre-appointment hearings. First blood followed a hostile interrogation of the recommended candidate to be the new Chair of the Statistics Authority. The committee complained of the strongly establishment character of the appointment panel. The recommended candidate withdrew.

The Treasury Select Committee has also been given an effective veto over appointments to the Office for Budget Responsibility, including its director. Power to choose holders of specific posts which either uphold standards in public life, defend the rights of citizens or exercise direct control over the activities of Ministers is being seized from the clutches of the Executive. These are substantial advances in the power of backbenchers over excessively powerful governments.

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There are still failures. Intensive lobbying still overturns sensible decisions. A sect named Halle’s Exclusive Brethren was denied charity status because of their exclusivity. A £2m campaign, including face-to-face meetings with MPs and Peers effectively reversed that decision in spite of select committee criticism. Constant nagging by two committees has failed to accelerate the publication of the findings of the Chilcot Inquiry into the Iraq War. It has been delayed for four years – probably by backstage pressure from those it will shame.

Select Committees are relatively recent parliamentary institutions, first established in 1979, but they have unequivocally strengthened Parliament against the Executive. Their impact on public opinion and Government conduct is complex. It is known that Government takes up 40 per cent of recommendations. And their generous exposure by the media on live television adds drama and immediacy.

The public image of sleazy politicians is challenged by the spectacle of parliamentarians at their inquisitive, fearless and principled best. The role of Select Committees will begin to repair the rupture in the covenant between people and politicians.

Without that, the foundation of our healthy democracy is imperiled.

Paul Flynn is a Labour MP and member of the Home Affairs Select Committee. He’s also author of How To Be An MP.