The deal with France should be the start of a more strategic approach to immigration and asylum policy - Lord Kirkhope

In recent days, the United Kingdom has taken a significant step in managing irregular migration with a new agreement with France that allows for the return of small-boat arrivals.

As a former Immigration Minister (1995-97), I welcome this pragmatic development - not least because it marks the first time since leaving the EU that a reciprocal, legal framework has been established for returning individuals who arrive across the Channel to continental Europe.

But I also believe this should be the beginning, not the end, of a more strategic approach to immigration and asylum policy.

Under the new UK-France treaty, for each person returned to France, the UK will admit one asylum seeker from France through a controlled and legal route, provided they meet certain eligibility criteria, including not having previously attempted to enter the UK irregularly.

Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer and French President Emmanuel Macron during a joint military visit to the Allied Maritime Command (MARCOM). PIC: Leon Neal/PA Wireplaceholder image
Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer and French President Emmanuel Macron during a joint military visit to the Allied Maritime Command (MARCOM). PIC: Leon Neal/PA Wire

This “one-in, one-out” principle has the potential to reduce the incentive to make the dangerous crossing. But whether it will ultimately prove a sufficient deterrent depends on numbers.

Reports suggest just 50 individuals per week may be returned under this pilot phase – only a fraction of the more than 30,000 people who arrived via small boats last year.

That’s why it is helpful to look to international examples. The 2016 EU-Turkey agreement, based on similar principles, saw a 97 per cent reduction in crossings from Turkey to Greece. It worked because it was credible, coordinated and properly resourced.

For the UK-France arrangement to succeed, it must be similarly scaled up and embedded in a wider framework of cooperation. Crucially, it must be delivered swiftly and fairly, with decisions made promptly and returns enforced in practice.

If we are to manage migration more effectively, we must return to first principles. Immigration and asylum are fundamentally different and must be approached accordingly.

Legal migration, when well-managed, plays an important role in our economy and public services, but it must be properly regulated and transparent.

Asylum, by contrast, is a matter of international obligation and humanitarian responsibility. Yet too often, the two are conflated in public debate, distorting the issues and undermining trust.

That clarity of distinction is vital for a policy that is both firm and fair – a phrase I often used during my time in office and which remains as relevant now as it was then.

A rules-based approach to asylum, grounded in the 1951 Refugee Convention, requires that we apply those rules properly.

The UK’s asylum success rate is higher than that of many European neighbours and raises questions about whether we are applying the Convention’s criteria rigorously and consistently. A truly credible system must do both: uphold our international commitments and ensure the rules are not exploited.

The need for deterrence must be balanced by safe and legal alternatives. That means expanding and exploring new options. One avenue worth revisiting is allowing applications for asylum to be lodged at British embassies or consulates overseas.

This would enable more controlled and secure processing and reduce the market for smugglers.

It also requires better cooperation on returns. The UK cannot act alone. Returns agreements – such as that signed with Albania in 2022 by the Conservative government – must be expanded.

These agreements, combined with diplomatic levers including withholding aid and tightening visas, are essential to incentivising cooperation from countries of origin.

We should also strengthen efforts with other countries of origin and transit, so we can speed up removals and reduce absconding.

And of course, we must face up to the challenge of integration. Migration does not end when someone is granted leave to remain. It continues in our communities, our workplaces and our schools.

That’s why any serious strategy must include a plan for housing, language and employment.

The Home Office once oversaw community and race relations when I served as Immigration Minister; bringing that role back would align admission policies with integration and social cohesion.

Local authorities cannot do this alone – they must be properly resourced to succeed, with the national government playing a hands-on role.

Integration is not just a moral duty but a practical necessity. Where it works well, it brings cohesion, mutual understanding and economic contribution.

Where it fails, we risk isolation, resentment and the erosion of community trust. It is not an optional add-on but an essential pillar of immigration policy.

Finally, we need better data and cooperation with our European neighbours. We should look to strengthen partnerships with Frontex and seek participation in data-sharing systems such as Eurodac – the European fingerprint database for asylum seekers and irregular migrants.

Although the UK is no longer part of the system, a similar agreement could help determine where an asylum claim should be processed and reduce duplication and delay.

Lord Kirkhope of Harrogate is the former MP for Leeds North East and MEP for Yorkshire.

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